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17 janvier 2016 7 17 /01 /janvier /2016 10:13

Open Letter from Scholars in Canada in Solidarity with Academics in Turkey

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1BmaE-iBEBJ3IwsS570xbZw_dXkMPv_391GO-zKMWuD4/edit?pref=2&pli=1

We, scholars associated with Canadian universities, are deeply disturbed with the recent attacks on the members of the Academics for Peace initiative in Turkey. 1,128 Turkish and Kurdish scholars who signed the statement “We will not be a party to this crime,” calling on the Turkish government to end its atrocities in the Kurdish regions of Turkey, have been exposed to a campaign of abuse and violence from the Turkish state since January 10, 2016. All 1,128 of the original signatories are under an immediate threat of prosecution with the charges of “propagandising for a terrorist organization” and “overtly insulting the Turkish nation, the State of the Republic of Turkey.” Many face disciplinary proceedings and possible sackings from their academic institutions. Signatories have been subject to a campaign of public smear by pro-government press and ultra-nationalist social media users. This has further led to direct attack from fascists that have declared they will 'spill the blood' of the signatories.

The above mentioned statement by the Academics for Peace and the attacks against them unfold in a context of ongoing state violence against Kurds. Since August 2015 there have been 52 curfews imposed on over one million inhabitants in the Kurdish regions of Turkey. In such a context, the recent suppressions on academic freedom, accompanied by imprisonment and death of journalists, activists, students and lawyers, is another sign of deepening authoritarianism of the Turkish state.

We call upon the Turkish government to stop its prosecutions immediately and commit to the principles of academic freedom and free speech.

We reaffirm the Academics for Peace’s call on the Turkish government to cease their hostilities against Kurds and we stand in solidarity with these academics and express our support unconditionally.

To sign this statement, please email your name, your title and institutional affiliation to canadaacademicsforpeace@gmail.com.

List of Signators:

1. Aarzoo Singh, PhD Student, Women and Gender Studies, University of Toronto.

2. Akshaya Tankha, Phd Candidate, University of Toronto

3. Akshaya Tankha, PhD Candidate, University of Toronto

4. Alex Wilson, Professor, Seneca College

5. Alizee Badson, MA student, University of Toronto

6. Alizee Bodson, MA student, University of Toronto

7. Amir Hassanpour, Associate Professor (Ret.), University of Toronto

8. Andrei Poama, Phd-CRÉ fellow, Université de Montréal

9. Andrew Biro, Professor, Department of Politics, Acadia University

10. Andrew Brown, PhD student, York University

11. Anna M. Agathangelou, Associate Professor, York University

12. Ariel Salzmann, Associate Professor, Queen’s University

13. Asha Jeffers, PhD Candidate, York University

14. Ashley Lebner, Assistant Professor, Department of Religion & Culture, Wilfrid Laurier University

15. Ava Homa, instructor at George Brown College

16. Azam Khatam, PhD, Research Fellow, York University

17. Behzad Sarmadi, PhD Candidate, University of Toronto

18. Benjamin Mitchell, PhD (c), York University

19. Berivan Kutlay Sarikaya, Phd Student, University of Toronto

20. Brendan Bruce, Phd Candidate, York University

21. Brendan Bruce, PhD Student, York University

22. Caroline Patsias, Associate professor, Department of political science, UQAM

23. Chandler Davis, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto

24. Christina E. Kramer, Professor, University of Toronto

25. Christopher Webb, PhD Candidate, University of Toronto, Department of Geography and Planning

26. Clarice Kuhling, Contract Faculty, Wilfrid Laurier University

27. D. Alissa Trotz, Associate Professor, University of Toronto

28. David Grondin, Associate Professor, University of Ottawa

29. David K. Seitz, Ph.D., Sessional Lecturer, Mark S. Bonham Centre for Sexual Diversity Studies, University of Toronto

30. David Ravensbergen, PhD Candidate, Department of Social and Political Thought, York University

31. Deborah Cowen, Associate Professor, University of Toronto

32. Denis Rancourt, former full professor, University of Ottawa

33. Deniz Baser, Phd Student, University of Toronto

34. Dilan Okcuoglu, Phd Candidate, Political Studies, Queen's University

35. Donald Swartz, PhD, Carleton University, Ottawa

36. Dr Judith Cohen, Contract and Adjunct Graduate Faculty (Music), York University

37. Dr. Constantin V. Boundas, Professor Emeritus, Philosophy, Trent University

38. Dr. David Butz, Professor, Department of Geography, Brock University

39. Dr. Ebru Ustundag, Associate Professor, Graduate Program Director, Department of Geography, Brock University

40. Dr. Karen Robert, Associate Professor, Department of History, St. Thomas University

41. Dr. Natalie Kouri-Towe, PhD, University of Toronto

42. Dr. Nicole S. Cohen, PhD, University of Toronto

43. Dr. Patricia Molloy, Communication Studies Department, Wilfrid Laurier University

44. Dr. Rachel Berger, Associate Professor, History Department, Concordia University

45. Dr. Sedef Arat-Koc, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University

46. Elif Genc, PhD student, New School for Social Research

47. Elise Thorburn, Postdoctoral Fellow, Brock University

48. Elizabeth Dauphinee, Professor, York University

49. Evan Johnston, Resource Coordinator, York University Graduate Students' Association

50. Farzad Omarzadeh, faculty of engineering, University of western ontario

51. Fethi Karakecili, Ph.D Candidate in Ethnomusicology, York University

52. Feyzi Baban, Associate Professor, Political Studies and International Development, Trent University

53. Frédérick Guillaume Dufour, Professeur de sociologie, UQAM

54. Frederick Peters, PhD,, Principal Research Fellow, York University

55. Gale P. Coskan-Johnson, Assistant Prof. of Writing and Rhetoric Chair, Brock University

56. Ganaele Langlois, Assistant Professor, York University

57. Gavin Fridell, Associate Professor, Saint Mary's University

58. Geneviève A. Dumas, PhD, PEng, Professor, Queen's University,

59. Genne Speers, PhD Candidate, York University

60. George C. Comninel, Associate Professor, York University

61. Gokboru S. Tanyildiz, PhD Candidate, York University

62. Greg Albo, Professor, Political Science, York University

63. Gregory Shupak, PhD, University of Guelph-Humber

64. Guertin Tremblay, Professeur de géographie, Cégep Marie-Victorin, Montréal, Québec

65. Gulay Kilicaslan, Phd Student, York University

66. Guliz Akkaymak, Phd candidate, The University of Western Ontario

67. Haideh Moghissi, Professor Emerita and Senior scholar, York University

68. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, Trent University

69. Heather Macfarlane, Assistant Professor, Queen's University

70. Henry Heller, Professor, University of Manitoba

71. Ilan Kapoor, Professor, York University

72. Ingo Brigandt, Associate Professor and Canada Research Chair, University of Alberta

73. Irina Ceric, Criminology Instructor, Kwantlen Polytechnic University

74. Jaffer Sheyholislami, Associate Professor, Carleton University

75. James A. Reilly, Professor, Modern Middle East History, University of Toronto

76. James Alexander Forbes, PhD Candidate, York University

77. James Davies, PhD, Department of Philosophy, University of Toronto

78. James Deutsch, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto

79. James Nugent, PhD Candidate-Course Instructor, University of Toronto

80. Jamie Magnusson, Ph.D., Program Coordinator, Adult Education and Community Development, Head, Centre for Women's Studies in Education, Associate Professor, Adult Education, Department of Leadership, Adult and Higher Education, OISE, University of Toronto

81. Janet E. Mullin, PhD, St. Thomas University in Fredericton

82. Jeannette Gaudet, Associate Professor, St. Thomas University

83. Jeff Shantz, Full Time Faculty Member, Kwantlen Polytechnic University

84. Jennifer Cypher, PhD, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Chairperson, CUPE 3903

85. Jenny Wüstenberg, PhD, DAAD Visiting Assistant Professor, York University

86. Jens Hanssen, Associate Professor, University of Toronto

87. João Shannon Pinto Sterrett, PhD Candidate, University of Victoria

88. Jonathan Adjemian, PhD Candidate, York University, Toronto

89. Justin Paulson, Associate Professor, Carleton University

90. Karen Pearlston, PhD, University of New Brunswick

91. Kate Ervine, Assistant Professor, Saint Mary's University

92. Katie Hemsworth, Assistant Professor, Queen's University

93. Kaziwa Salih, PhD, Queen's university

94. Kevin A. Gould, Associate Professor, Concordia University

95. Kevin Pask, Professor, Concordia University

96. Khashayar Hooshiar, Contract faculty, York University

97. Konstantin Kilibarda, Adjunct Lecturer, McMaster University

98. Kristi Allain, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, St. Thomas University

99. Kumru Bilici, Research Assistant, Carleton University, Ottawa

100. Laura G. Pin, PhD Candidate, York University

101. Laurence Packer, professor of biology, York university

102. Laurie E. Adkin, Ph.D., Associate Professor, University of Alberta

103. Leda Raptis, PhD, Queen’s University

104. Lisa Mills, Associate Professor, Carleton University

105. Luin Goldring, Professor, Sociology, York University, Toronto

106. Luke Roelofs, PhD Graduate, University of Toronto

107. M. Derya Tarhan, PhD Student, University of Toronto

108. Maggie Sager, Masters Student, Near and Middle Eastern Cultures, University of Toronto

109. Mahiye Seçil Daǧtaș, PhD, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo

110. Maral salek, Graduate Student, Ryerson University

111. Mathieu Forcier, Doctorant en sociologie, Université de Montréal

112. Matt Jones, Course Instructor, Drama and Performance Studies, University of Toronto Scarborough

113. Max Haiven, Assistant Professor, Nova Scotia College of Art and Design

114. Melissa Levin, PhD, University of Toronto

115. Michael Lambek, FRSC Canada Research Chair & Chair , University of Toronto

116. Mustafa Koc, Professor, Ryerson University

117. Natalie Zemon Davis, Professor, University of Toronto

118. Nicole Laliberte, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto

119. Nil Basdurak, PhD in Ethnomusicology, University of Toronto

120. Noa Shaindlinger, PhD Candidate, University of Toronto

121. Omar Sirri, PhD Student, University of Toronto

122. Oscar Jarzmik, PhD candidate, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

123. Ozlem Aslan, Phd Student, University of Toronto

124. Paul Kingston, Associate Professor, Political Science Director, University of Toronto

125. Ratiba HADJ-MOUSSA, Associate Professor, Sociology, York University, Toronto

126. Rinaldo Walcott, Associate Professor, University of Toronto

127. Robert Brym, FRSC SD Clark Professor, University of Toronto

128. Saeed Rahnema, Professor rtd., York University

129. Saman Lagzi, Graduate Student, University of Waterloo

130. Samuel Walker,Ph.D. Candidate, University of Toronto

131. Sandra Smele, PhD Candidate, York University

132. Sandra Whitworth, Professor, Political Science, York University

133. Sara Carpenter, PhD, Assistant Professor | Adult, Community, and Higher Education, Department of Educational Policy Studies, Faculty of Education, University of Alberta

134. Sarah T. Roberts, PhD, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Information and Media Studies (FIMS), Western University

135. Sardar Saadi, PhD student, University of Toronto

136. Scott Forsyth, Associate Professor, York University

137. Secil Dagtas, Assistant Professor, University of Waterloo

138. Secil Erdogan, Assistant Professor, York University

139. Selmin Kara, Assistant Professor, OCAD University

140. Sergio R. Arcaro, English Instructor, Centennial College

141. Shawn Blizzard,MS Student, York University

142. Sheila Wilmot, PhD, Course Instructor, Ryerson University, Toronto

143. Siavash Saffari, PhD, SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow, Columbia University

144. Sona Kazemi, Phd student, University of Toronto

145. Srdja Pavlovic, PhD, University of Alberta

146. Stephanie Bethune, MA Candidate, University of Victoria

147. Stephen L. Newman, Associate Professor, York University

148. Steven Tufts, Associate Proffesor, York University

149. Teresa Heffernan, Professor, Department of English, Saint Mary's University

150. Terry Maley, PhD, Associate Professor and MA Coordinator, Department of Political Science, York University

151. Tracy Glynn, Lecturer, St. Thomas University

152. Val Marie Johnson, Associate Professor, Sociology, Criminology, Women & Gender Studies, Saint Mary's University

153. Vinh Nguyen, Ph.D, Assistant Professor, Renison University College, University of Waterloo

154. Vivian Solana, PhD Candidate, University of Toronto

155. William Payne, PhD Candidate - Critical Human Geography, York University

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16 janvier 2016 6 16 /01 /janvier /2016 21:20

Other petitions formulated by colleagues for all university affiliated persons internationally to be circulated widely.

I. We the undersigned

We the undersigned are professors of Turkish Studies in North American and European Universities. Several of us head centers and programs of Turkish Studies. We work hard to generate interest and nurture open and engaging debates on contemporary Turkey. We are seriously concerned about the diminishing academic freedoms and especially criminalization of a petition signed by 1128 fellow academics in Turkey calling for peace. We declare that we stand in solidarity with their demand for peace and their freedom of expression. We can further Turkish Studies around the world only when academics in Turkey can express themselves freely.

On January 10th 1128 academics from Turkey and 356 from abroad signed a petition calling the Turkish State to return to negotiations. The petition attracted attention to the dire situation in the Kurdish regions of Turkey where since 16 August 2015 there have been ben open ended curfews in 7 cities effecting close to 1,5 million citizens. Hundreds of civilians including the children, babies, and the elderly lost their lives. In their petition academics urged the Turkish government to end violence and return to negotiations.

Following the release of the petition, President Erdogan attacked those who signed it and accused them with treachery. He said “pick a side. You are either on the side of the Turkish government or you are on the side of the terrorists.” Few short hours after the speech, Turkish Higher Education Council announced that it will start investigations against signatories. Academics who signed the petition are investigated under article 301 of the Penal Code and face possible charges for “inflaming hatred and hostility among peoples” and “denigration of the Turkish nation.”

Turkey is a signatory of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Based on these conventions and more importantly Turkish Constitution Turkey is required to protect freedom of thought, expression, association, and assembly. Yet, academic freedoms are regularly violated in Turkey. Since 2011 Middle East Studies Association sent 20 letters to Turkish government urging them to protect academic freedoms for different cases.

Criminalization of freedom of expression stifle productive debate on issues discussed in Turkey and around the world. Intellectual and academic production is not possible without academic freedom.

2. For Peace and Academic Freedom in Turkey -- invitation to all academics

for support. To add your name write:

academicsforpeace@gmail.com with a line indicating your name, academic title and institution.


BACKGROUND


As authoritarianism and militarism reached a new high in Turkey, a group of academics from Turkey (and beyond) launched a petition “ We Will Not Be Party To This Crime” (http://bianet.org/english/human-rights/170978-academics-we-will-not-be-a-party-to-this-crime) to state their opposition.


President of the Republic Recep Tayyip Erdogan (who is not the head of government but acts as such in violation of the Constitution of the country) slammed the academics for their protest (http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/erdogan-slams-academics-over-petition-invites-chomsky-to-turkey.aspx?PageID=238&NID=93760&NewsCatID=338) and the Council of Higher Education (YOK), which is a creation of the generals who led the 1980 coup and regulates all public universities, started an investigation about the petitioners. Many university administrators have already taken punitive actions against their faculty. Several of the petitioners were subject to house or office raids by the police and arrested. They are charged with supporting terrorism because their declaration did not criticize PKK (the Kurdish militant organization)!


Below please see the text of a petition. If you would like to support it please send a message to academicsforpeace@gmail.com with a line indicating your name, academic title and institution. Please forward this message to your colleagues and invite them to sign the petition. You may ask your academic institution or professional organization to sign the petition and post it on its webpage, as well.


As academics and university administrators who are committed to seeking knowledge and to the free dissemination of information, we are appalled by the repression, persecution and prosecution of Turkish scholars for simply expressing their concern about the growing violence within the country and specifically, the state aggression and illegal treatment of citizens in the Kurdish region of the country.

The call of our colleagues in Turkey for their government to respect national and international laws and reopen negotiations with the representatives of Turkey's Kurdish population (as well as to bring in independent observers to protect the human rights of the citizens of Turkey and investigate military operations in civilian areas) is a message of peace; it is intended to protect human life and property and to prevent further escalation of a conflict that threatens not only Turkey but the entire region.

PETITION


We, the undersigned, extend our solidarity with our colleagues in Turkey and affirm their right, as citizens, seekers of knowledge, and persons of good conscience, to speak truth to power. We ask that the government of Turkey:

• cease the intimidation, persecution and prosecution of all those who have publicly expressed opposition to the current government's policies, including the signatories of the petition, “ We Will Not Be Party To This Crime”;

• reorganize the Council of Higher Education, a creature of the 1980s military regime, in order to enable it to operate as a truly autonomous organization to coordinate research and facilitate the functions of all institutions of higher education, beyond the control of political parties and the government;

• respect the country’s commitment to rule of law, democracy, and human rights, especially the freedoms of thought, expression and the press, which are protected in the Constitution of Turkey and the international treaties to which Turkey has been a party.

• restart the “peace process” with Kurdish representatives that the government aborted for political motives on the eve of the June 2015 election.

*

A letter could also be sent to the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression requesting his intervention with the government. The link below gives all the info about the Special Rapporteur's mandate and where the letter should be sent:

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/FreedomOpinion/Pages/OpinionIndex.aspx

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16 janvier 2016 6 16 /01 /janvier /2016 21:17

Dear colleagues
For those who are based in Paris, we will organize a meeting on Monday at 7 PM at the Amphitheatre of the EHESS (105, Bd Raspail, m° Notre-Dame-des-Champs or Saint-Placide).
Best regards

GIT FRance

Groupe de travail international (GIT)

« Liberté de recherche et d’enseignement en Turquie »

Conférence de Presse & Réunion de solidarité

Lundi 18 JANVIER

19h - 21h

Amphitéâtre François Furet

105 Bd Raspail 75006 PARIS

Prétextant une pétition dénonçant la violence d'Etat dans les villes kurdes de Turquie, le pouvoir d'Erdogan a lancé depuis quelque jours une campagne d'intimidation à l'encontre des chercheurs et universitaires du pays. Le vocabulaire utilisé par le Président turc et ses proches ("trahison", "cinquième colonne", "forces obscures", "brouillons d'intellectuels"), la campagne de presse d'une rare virulence et les gardes à vue à répétition, nécessite une mobilisation des universitaires en France et dans le monde. Cette conférence de presse et la réunion qui la suivra aura pour objectif d'informer la presse des menaces qui pèsent sur les universités en Turquie, ainsi que de réfléchir collectivement aux actions de solidarité avec nos collègues poursuivis.

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15 janvier 2016 5 15 /01 /janvier /2016 21:23

Academics for Peace: We Stand by Our Signatures

Academics for Peace have announced that they stand by the signees and their signatures on the declaration “We will not be a party to this crime”. They have re-expressed their demands for peace and have announced that they would launch the judicial process against the defamations and the threats.

İstanbul - BIA News Desk14 January 2016, Thursday 14:37

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15 janvier 2016 5 15 /01 /janvier /2016 12:54

Urgent Call, today, January 15, 2016

Dear friends and colleagues,

This is an urgent call for solidarity. The Istanbul Prosecutor has initiated investigations against 1128 academics throughout Turkey for signing a petition against the state’s “anti-terror” operations in the Kurdish provinces.

As many of you might have heard, the Turkish state with its draconian army and police army has been forcing a siege and countless curfews in cities in Southeastern Turkey. Around 600 civilians have been murdered since summer.

Academics for Peace issued the following declaration on Jan. 10:

http://factsonturkey.org/24077/academics-researchers-in-turkey-call-for-immediate-end-to-violence-in-kurdish-areas/

In a speech made on Jan. 12, President Erdogan targeted not only academics but anyone who supported them as well. The Higher Education Board, a decadent residue of 1980 coup d'Etat, immediately stated that it was going to do “whatever necessary” to punish the academics. A witch-hunt has ensued and now we hear that scores of academics are being forced to resign and/or are taken under custody throughout the country.

The legal charges against the signatories of the petition range from “demeaning the state” to “propaganda for a terrorist organization.”

WE ARE IN URGENT NEED OF SUPPORT FROM INTERNATIONAL ACADEMIC CIRCLES.

The Middle Eastern Studies Association, for instance, has sent the following letter to President Erdogan:

https://www.facebook.com/barisicinakademisyenler/posts/969499219797425

The following petition to support the academics has also been initiated:

‪https://www.change.org/p/urgent-call-for-action-following-the-ankara-massacre/u/14957238?recruiter=13403853&utm_source=share_update&utm_medium=facebook&utm_campaign=facebook_link

For other instances of support within Turkey by journalists, artists, associations and unions, cf.:

http://bianet.org/english/human-rights/171097-academics-for-peace-we-stand-by-our-signatures

In solidarity,

Academics for Peace

Nouvelle pétition en Turquie

Bildiri metni

Biz aşağıda imzası olan akademisyenler, fikir ve ifade özgürlüğü ilkesine bağlıyız ve bu ilkenin akademik yaşamın temel unsuru olduğuna inanıyoruz. Bu temelde, ülkedeki çatışma ortamıyla ilgili kişisel değerlendirmelerimizden bağımsız olarak, siyasi iradenin ve YÖK’ün çok sayıda üniversite mensubunun imzaladığı “Bu suça ortak olmayacağız” başlıklı bildiriye karşı gösterdiği tepkiyi yanlış ve kaygı verici buluyoruz.

İfade özgürlüğü olmadan demokrasi olmaz. Üniversite ve akademisyenin görevi akıl yürütme ve vicdan muhakemesi sonunda vardığı fikirleri toplumuyla paylaşmaktır. Fikrin eleştirilmesi demokrasinin, fikri ifade edenin cezalandırılması ise otoriterliğin niteliğidir. Akademisyenlerin ülke sorunlarıyla ilgili dile getirdikleri görüşlerinin siyasi irade tarafından cezalandırılmaya çalışılması, akademik özgürlüklere darbedir. Böyle darbeler herşeyden önce toplumsal gelişmeyi durdurur.

Ülke demokrasisine verilecek en büyük zarar, fikri söylemek değil, fikri ifade ettirmemektir.

ifadeozgurlugutr@gmail.com

Une pétition a été lancée en Allemagne.

https://www.change.org/p/hochschulangeh%C3%B6rige-an-deutschen-hochschulen-keine-repression-f%C3%BCr-die-akademiker-des-friedensaufrufes-in-der-t%C3%BCrkei?recruiter=32641539&utm_source=share_petition&utm_medium=twitter&utm_campaign=share_twitter_responsive

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14 janvier 2016 4 14 /01 /janvier /2016 22:56

1100 Academics in danger in Turkey

see : http://www.gitfrance.fr/

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10 octobre 2013 4 10 /10 /octobre /2013 16:02

In the huge Silivri prison complex, 80 kilometers from Istanbul, a verdict will be made today in one of two state trials that the Turkish government is pursuing against the democratic intellectuals who are facing charges under the guise of counter-terrorism. GIT "Freedom of research and Academic Liberty in Turkey" will be particularly vigilant regarding the fate of Ragip Zarakolu , founder and director of Belge Publishing and Büsra Ersanli , professor of political science at the University of Marmara (both currently released from prison but still charged). We remain keenly vigilant also in regards to the fate of Deniz Zarakolu, editor at Belge, son of Ragip Zarakolu , and imprisoned since October 4, 2011 for giving a lecture on Aristotle during a cultural conference held by the legal pro-Kurdish BDP party. We remain vigilant concerning others who have worked with Belge, such as A. Dursun Yildiz, a retired professor, and writer/translator, Ayse Berktay, both of whom are also still in detainment. The ferocity with which the State power is terrorizing these intellectuals brings to light the situation of hundreds of students and journalists who are still being detained or still facing charges because they too have chosen to defend freedom of expression, freedom of research, and academic liberty in Turkey.

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30 juin 2013 7 30 /06 /juin /2013 16:00

Exceptional video film, realized by students from Mimar Sinan University. 

Watch it !

 

http://emircansoksan.net/blog/call-from-planners/

 

video-urban-planers-30-juin-2013.jpg

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21 juin 2013 5 21 /06 /juin /2013 10:14

Le vertige autocratique d’Erdoğan

 

The Lost Legitimacy of Turkey’s Prime Minister

 

 

Published by the newspaper Libération, June 21 2013

 

If you would like to sign, please send name and academic titles to

 

  git.initiative@gmail.com

 

 

 

The night of June 15, 2013, when the police showed a raging violence against the many peaceful demonstrators in Istanbul, will go down in Turkey’s history as a tragic tipping point. The repeated scenes of tear gas clouds, thousands injured and numerous arrests, have now been added to recent law violations that would not be tolerated in a state of war: the bombardment of gas in enclosed spaces, such as private apartments and tourist hotels; hospitals and mobile medical centers attacked, in addition to injured and arrested doctors; journalists harassed; and many reported cases of skin burns following the use of chemical agents in water cannons.

 

            Along with this massive and systematic state violence, peaceful demonstrations were threatened by armed supporters of the AKP party who engaged in street-fighting, thereby establishing an atmosphere of civil war in the most central districts of Istanbul. And yet, for 19 days, Gezi Park showed a remarkable experience of democracy where civil society was present in all its variety: organizations of architects and planners who were early opposers of the devastating urban politics of Prime Minister Erdoğan and the mayor of Istanbul rubbed shoulders with student associations, feminists, as well as working class people in the neighborhoods threatened with destruction. It is false to claim, as some press correspondents have done, that this large, unprecedented response by such a multitude of people is only a revolt of Kemalist and extreme nationalist groups, despite the fact that numerous opposition groups joined the cause.

 

Rather than hearing the citizens’ protest – a plea to participate in decisions regarding their space and way of life and a rejection of the government’s increasingly authoritarian way of ruling – Erdogan chose to disregard them and to force their hand. Since its last term, the AKP has continued to attack the scope of individual and social freedoms, and the Prime Minister has preferred to engage in provocation by calling the protesters thugs, drunks and terrorists. However, the civil society has established for weeks its indignation at the recurring violations of its rights: Gezi Park was the breaking point after a long period during which the citizens of Turkey have felt ignored, scorned and attacked by the current government with its Prime Minister at the head. Political demonstrations, especially the celebration of May 1st, were prohibited in Taksim Square under the pretext of renovation work, mass arrests have been carried out in order to criminalize any kind of opposition, the Uludere and Reyhanlı massacres have not been elucidated, major civil rights have been questioned (including the right to abortion), multiple damage to the environment, culture and diversity of lifestyle choices have created an atmosphere of legitimate indignation.

 

In a rejection of this climate of repression, the citizens of Turkey, unarmed, came out massively in the street and confronted armored police. In response to the government’s reaction to this event, we ask: How does one legitimize a government who has launched in a period of two weeks more than 150,000 gas grenades on its own people, injuring more than 5,000 of them and killing at least three, and who is now stating that any demonstrator found in the Taksim Square will be held as a terrorist - as announced by Mr Egemen Bağış, Minister for European Affairs? How is a government legitimate with a new bill proposing to extend the scope of the secret services who are already authorized to make arrests without court approval, while the same government boasted about having removed the army's security privileges? How does one continue to accept as a legitimate partner a government that openly declares that it no longer recognizes the decisions of the European Parliament and no longer complies with the international treaties it has signed? What kind of democracy exists in a country where the media are forced into silence – where journalists are fired or driven to self-censorship for fear of losing their jobs, and the Turkish people are forced to watch international news channels to monitor events taking place in their own country? In what lawful country do the police arrest lawyers protesting peacefully inside the courthouse and take into custody doctors treating men and women injured in clashes with the police? What legitimacy can this government still have when on Sunday, June 16, it prevents by extreme force the gathering of protesters in Taksim, while the mayor of Istanbul massively mobilizes free transport to get AKP supporters to the meeting of their leader?

 

Because of Erdoğan’s paranoia, where he sees foreign spies and international conspiracies wherever his people peacefully defend their rights (for example: the claim that beer vendors, Erasmus students, "International Finance", the "Jewish lobby" and the Western media disseminating information on police violence, are all responsible for organizing the protests of hundreds of thousands of people) – the international community must act now. The government of Prime Minister Erdoğan loses legitimacy in every manifestation of police violence and in every violation of international conventions or treaties. All friends of a free and democratic Turkey must work alongside this country’s civil society so that Erdoğan’s vertiginous autocracy does not create another dictatorship in the Middle East.

 

 

La nuit du 15 juin 2013 restera dans l’histoire de la Turquie comme le moment d’un  basculement tragique, quand les forces de police ont fait preuve d’une violence déchaînée contre les nombreux manifestants pacifiques d’Istanbul. Aux scènes désormais habituelles de nuages de gaz lacrymogènes, de centaines de blessés et de nombreuses arrestations, s’ajoutent maintenant des violations du droit qui ne seraient pas tolérées en état de guerre : le bombardement de gaz dans des espaces fermés, jusque dans les appartements privés et les hôtels touristiques, des hôpitaux pris d’assaut, des centres médicaux mobiles attaqués, des blessés et des médecins arrêtés, des journalistes harcelés, de nombreux cas de brûlures de peau signalés à la suite de l’emploi de substance chimique dans les canons à eau.

En plus de cette violence d’Etat, massive et systématique, les manifestations pacifiques sont sous la menace des partisans du parti AKP, prêts au combat de rue, instaurant une ambiance de guerre civile dans les quartiers les plus centraux d’Istanbul. Pourtant, depuis 19 jours, le parc Gezi témoignait d’une expérience singulière de démocratie, où la société civile était présente dans toute sa variété : ainsi, les organisations d’architectes et d’urbanistes qui s’opposaient dès le début à la politique urbaine dévastatrice du Premier ministre Erdoğan et du maire d’Istanbul ont côtoyé les associations d’étudiants ou de féministes, tout comme les habitants mêmes des quartiers populaires menacés de destruction. Il est faux d’affirmer, comme le font certains correspondants de presse, que cette multitude inouïe et populaire ne serait qu’une réaction kémaliste et nationaliste, même si celle-ci a été rejointe par de nombreux groupes d’opposition.

Au lieu d’écouter les citoyens protestant avant tout contre sa manière de plus en plus autoritaire de gouverner, demandant tout simplement de participer aux décisions concernant leur espace et mode de vie, Erdoğan a choisi dès le début de les mépriser et de leur forcer la main. Alors que depuis son dernier mandat, l’AKP ne cesse d’attaquer le champ des libertés individuelles et sociales, le Premier ministre préfère la provocation, en qualifiant les manifestants de voyous, d’ivrognes et de terroristes. Or, la société civile manifeste depuis des semaines son indignation envers les violations répétitives de ses droits : le parc Gezi ne fut qu’une étincelle, tant les citoyens de Turquie se sentent ignorés, méprisés et attaqués par le pouvoir actuel, le Premier ministre en tête. La place Taksim interdite aux manifestations politiques et surtout à la célébration du 1er Mai sous prétexte de travaux, les arrestations massives visant à criminaliser toute forme d’opposition, les massacres d’Uludere et de Reyhanlı aucunement élucidés, les principaux droits civiques remis en question (dont le droit à l’avortement), les atteintes multiples à l’environnement, à la culture et à la pluralité des modes de vie avaient déjà créé une atmosphère d’indignation légitime.

Refusant un tel climat de répression, les citoyens de la Turquie sont sortis massivement dans la rue et ont affronté sans armes les blindés de la police. Comment qualifier un gouvernement qui a tiré plus de 150 000 grenades de gaz en deux semaines sur ses propres citoyens, blessant plus de 5 000 d’entre eux et en tuant au moins trois, déclarant désormais que tout manifestant allant sur la place Taksim sera tenu pour un terroriste – comme l’a annoncé M. Egemen Bağış, ministre des Affaires européennes – ? Que dire du nouveau projet de loi proposant d’étendre le champ d’action des services secrets qui seraient autorisés à procéder à des arrestations sans l’aval du juge, alors que ce même gouvernement se vantait d’avoir ôté à l’armée ses privilèges sécuritaires ? Comment continuer à prendre comme partenaire légitime un gouvernement qui déclare ouvertement qu’il ne reconnaît plus les décisions du Parlement Européen et qui ne respecte plus les traités internationaux qu’il a signés ? De quelle démocratie parle-t-on dans un pays où les médias sont contraints au silence ; les journalistes tout simplement chassés de leur poste, ou s’infligeant une autocensure de peur de l’être, et les Turcs obligés de regarder les chaînes internationales pour suivre les événements qui se déroulent dans leur propre pays? Dans quel Etat de droit les forces de police arrêtent-elles les avocats contestataires à l’intérieur même du palais de justice et mettent en garde à vue des médecins parce qu’ils ont secouru dans l’urgence hommes et femmes blessés dans les affrontements avec la police ? De quelle légitimité ce gouvernement peut-il encore se prévaloir, lorsqu’il empêche de force, le dimanche 16 juin, le rassemblement des manifestants à Taksim, tandis que la mairie d’Istanbul mobilise massivement ses moyens de transport pour amener gratuitement les partisans de l’AKP au meeting de leur chef ?

Face à la paranoïa de M. Erdoğan qui voit des espions étrangers et des complots internationaux partout où son peuple défend pacifiquement ses droits (les vendeurs de bière, les étudiants Erasmus, la « finance internationale », le « lobby juif » et les médias occidentaux qui diffusent librement les informations concernant la violence policière seraient responsables d’organiser les manifestations de centaines de milliers de personnes), la communauté internationale doit agir sans tarder. Le gouvernement de M. Erdoğan perd de sa légitimité à chaque manifestation de la violence policière, à chaque violation des conventions ou des traités internationaux. Tous les amis de la Turquie libre et démocratique doivent agir aux côtés de la société civile de ce pays pour que le vertige autocratique d’Erdoğan n’engendre pas une dictature de plus au Moyen Orient.

 

 

 

Deniz Akagul, maître de conférences à l’Université de Lille ; Salih Akın, maître de conférences à l’Université de Rouen ; Samim Akgönül, maître de conférences à l’Université de Strasbourg ; Marc Aymes, chargé de cherchées au CNRS ; Faruk Bilici, professeur à l’INALCO ; Isabelle Backouche, maître de conférences à l’EHESS ; Hamit Bozarslan, directeur d’études à l’EHESS ; Etienne Copeaux, historien de Turquie ; Dominique Colas, professeur à l’IEP de Paris ; Pierre Dardot, philosophe ; Yves Déloye, professeur à l’Université Paris 1 ; Vincent Duclert, chercheur à l’EHESS (CESPRA) ; François Georgeon, directeur de recherches au CNRS ; Béatrice Giblin, professeure à l’Université Paris 8 ; Diana Gonzalez, enseignante au Science-Po Paris ; Ragip Ege, professeur à l’Université de Strasbourg ; Jean-Louis Fabiani, directeur d’études à l’EHESS ; Dalita Hacyan, maître de conférences à l’Université de Paris 1 ; Yasemin Inceoğlu, professeure à l’Université de Galatasaray; Christian Laval, professeur à l’Université Paris Ouest Nanterre ;  Monique de Saint-Martin, directrice d’études à l’EHESS ; Ali Oker, chercheur en psychologie ; Emine Sarikartal, éditrice ; Nora Seni, professeur à l’Université Paris 8 ; Hélène Piralian, psychanalyste ; Alican Tayla, chercheur associé à l’IRIS ; Ferhat Taylan, directeur de programme au CIPH ; Sezin Topçu, chargée de recherche au CNRS ; Murat Yıldızoğlu, professeur à l’Université de Bordeaux.

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17 juin 2013 1 17 /06 /juin /2013 19:00

Professor Leyla Neyzi, sociologist, Sabanci University on CBC

Professor Edhem Eldem, historian, Bogazici University

 

Leyla Neyzi

http://www.cbc.ca/player/News/ID/2391727593/  

 

Edhem Eldem’s article in NYT

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/17/opinion/turkeys-false-nostalgia.html?_r=0

 

NYT-cover-on-Turkey_17.06.2013.jpg

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